![OS POSITIVOS](https://4.bp.blogspot.com/-zKKfxaIfpU8/Wv1aApfmmBI/AAAAAAAARbk/X7F-ldyPjjE3TCXHeH3HZ2xeVNDugZDCgCKgBGAs/s1600/x_header-200.png")
A Wired de março -ou agora online: aquilo do digital...- publica um especial "os media em crise". Além de um artigo de fundo sobre as transformações na Gray Lady de que fizemos aqui nota antes, um appetizer com destaques nossos:
The news media is in trouble. The advertising-driven business model is on the brink of collapse. Trust in the press is at an all-time low. And now those two long-brewing concerns have been joined by an even larger existential crisis. In a post-fact era of fake news and filter bubbles, in which audiences cherry-pick the information and sources that match their own biases and dismiss the rest, the news media seems to have lost its power to shape public opinion.It’s worth remembering, though, that as recently as 30 years ago, people worried that the press had entirely too much power. In 1988, Edward Herman and Noam Chomsky published a book called Manufacturing Consent *, which argued that the US media puts a straitjacket on national discussion.
in "Journalism Fights for Survival in the Post-Truth Era" 14 fev 2017
* A única exceção -de duas- ao uso de fontes reputadas não pop-web, que citámos em finais de novembro quando o mic foi ao chão e tudo se desencadeou em acelerado. OS POSITIVOS: antes de ser uma cena.
The news, they argued, was determined by the small handful of media corporations capable of reaching a mass audience—a huge barrier to entry that kept smaller, independent voices out of the conversation. The corporations’ business model relied on national-brand advertisers, which tended to not support publications or stories they found controversial or distasteful. And journalists relied on the cooperation of high-ranking sources, a symbiotic relationship that prevented the press from publishing anything too oppositional. As a result, Chomsky and Herman wrote, "the raw material of news must pass through successive filters, leaving only the cleansed residue fit to print." The result was a false national consensus, one that ignored outlying facts, voices, and ideas.
in "Journalism Fights for Survival in the Post-Truth Era" 14 fev 2017
O artigo enumera depois que "almost every aspect of the news industry has changed", citando a internet e especificamente as redes sociais, e deixando cair algumas citações a sumarizar gatekeepers e populismos:
Media professionals’ already-eroding power to steer the national conversation has largely vanished. (...) National audience now belongs to everyone. There is nothing to prevent fringe ideas and arguments from entering the informational bloodstream — and nothing to stop them from spreading. in "Journalism Fights for Survival in the Post-Truth Era" 14 fev 2017
Mas sobretudo, destacamos o gráfico que acompanha a peça, se dúvidas há que chegámos.
Teen, vacinado contra a TV? Não dás ouvidos à rádio? Papel com as notícias de ontem é para limpar o rabiosque? We made it. Dúvidas houvessem, pequeno interlúdio também sobre a inutilidade dos média tradicionais e de novos jornalismos:
Where was press "power" in the election of Trump? Nowhere. (...) Big media – big newspapers, big TV – were overwhelmingly pro-Clinton and vehemently anti-Trump. Yet the force was not with them.
And so it is in Europe too. Beppe Grillo’s Five Star Movement, the wildest card in the Italian pack, seems populist with a capital P, echoing many of Trump’s diatribes against the press. It lives, like Grillo himself, on the internet. It is self-taught and self-secured.
Did any major Austrian news provider support Norbert Hofer’s Freedom party bid for the presidency? No. Is any major French newspaper or TV channel backing Marine Le Pen to succeed François Hollande in April? No. And next month’s election in the Netherlands? Surely some battalions of media power must have propelled Geert Wilders, but no, yet again. The same mouths, curiously enough, who didn’t have the time of day for Ukip when Nigel Farage began his long march.
Nor, of course, is the phenomenon limited to one side of the political spectrum. Spain’s Podemos burst into life without much in the way of drum rolls from the established media. The selfsame media, remember, failed to see Jeremy Corbyn coming.
All of which may be because self-absorbed editorial masters failed to see something coming; or because people, ordinary people more individual than ever before, now operate below the radar, joined together in ideological rebellions by laptops and smartphones. It’s the great bottom-up-not-top-down memorial lecture.
That lecture arrives with two necessary appendices. One (...) disdain for "experts", (..) 2, It tells every pundit over and over again that history is not dead, but live and convulsive. Maybe the media can ruin a few reputations along the way, make a few politicians dance to an accommodating tune. But power? Better ask the people.
in "The power of the press can’t hold populism down" 12 fev 2017
E, se vos conseguimos convencer a entrar nesta arena, outras inoculações necessárias às novas enfermidades digitais:
If readers are the new publishers, the best way to get them to share a story is by appealing to their feelings—usually not the good ones. "Reasonableness gets you no points." (...) We have gone from a business model that manufactures consent to one that manufactures dissent—a system that pumps up conflict and outrage rather than watering it down.
Ora, se não precisamos de lições em falsos consensos, quem nos acusa de nos escusarmos a "conflicts & outrage"...? We-here. We-good. & tha good-gets-goin'.
Excepto, claro, se nos esquecermos por instantes que tudo está prestes a descambar na pior distopia de controlo e vigilância alguma vez conseguida. Da conclusão do artigo -
The answer is not to pine for the days when a handful of publications defined the limits of public discourse. That’s never coming back (...) Instead, smart news operations are finding new ways to listen and respond to their audiences - rather than just telling people what to think. They’re using technology to create a fuller portrait of the world and figuring out how to get people to pay for good work.
in "Journalism Fights for Survival in the Post-Truth Era" 14 fev 2017
A velha dualidade de sempre: tecnologia como emancipação, mas igualmente como repressão. O "get people to pay for it" é mais abrangente do que o $$$ imediado - voltaremos ao debate DRM/open web. Com grandes liberdades, maiores os perigos. Já estivemos aqui antes.
Cultura embrulhada com uma urgência de fim do mundo como o conheceste, cruzado a política e arte, pós de crítica, jornalismo e imprensa, elites e viagens no tempo ao virar do século passado...? No tópico anterior de autoridade vs a sua ausência, a deixa perfeita para recuperar um daqueles senhores do então já que nos últimos posts fizemos algumas referências ao primórdios do século. Indo um pouco mais atrás, circa os mil e oitocentos. A seu propósito, dizem-nos que cunhou pela primeira vez o termo "new journalism": Matthew Arnold *.
* E, porque quantos personagens podemos nós recuperar nestes propósitos que tenham na página da wiki "literary criticism" seguido de "social criticism" seguido de "journalistic criticism"?
Também ele se importava com as convulsões da sociedade de então e onde essas roçavam a cultura. Citamos da segunda e única outra referência académica que aqui fizemos so far:
Put very simply, the Manchester working class was given space to develop an independent culture at some remove from the direct intervention of the dominant classes. Industrialization and urbanization had redrawn the cultural map. No longer was there a shared common culture, with an additional culture of the powerful.
in "Cultural Theory And Popular Culture"
IE, tecnologia, liberdade, nichos, sem a mediação capaz de uma autoridade decidida a manter as massas no seu lugar.
A direct challenge to all forms of political and cultural authority.
These were not developments guaranteed to hearten those who feared for the continuation of a social order based on power and privilege.
in "Cultural Theory And Popular Culture"
A recuperação do Arnaldo é menos inocente do que conveniente: além do overlap de tópicos, a advertência. Por razões do espírito da época, diz-nos o autor do -hint hint- Culture and Anarchy: "that the franchise had given power to men as yet uneducated for power".
A working class which has lost "the strong feudal habits of subordination and deference" is a very dangerous working class. It is the function of education to restore a sense of subordination and deference to the class. In short, education would bring to the working class a "culture" that would in turn remove the temptations of trade unionism, political agitation and cheap entertainment. In short, culture would remove popular culture.
in "Cultural Theory And Popular Culture"
Acabaste de ler porque já nos 1800 sabiam que o DRM e outras agressões aos direitos e liberdades dos utilizadores importa. E porque te deves importar com a falta de privacidade:
Two factors make the State necessary. First, the decline of the aristocracy as a centre of authority; second, the rise of democracy. Together they create a terrain favourable to anarchy. The solution is to occupy this terrain with a mixture of culture and coercion.
in "Cultural Theory And Popular Culture"
De "ocupar esse espaço com uma mistura de cultura e coerção" a "utilizar a tecnologia para criar uma representação do mundo e descobrir como as pessoas pagarem por ela" vão duzentos anos. OS POSITIVOS: por um outro tipo de cultura, porque não vamos esperar outros duzentos.
happy V day megababe, u-here?